[1] The Hima People of Eastern Africa ( Orville Boyd Jenkins) [ http://orvillejenkins.com/peoples/hima.html ]


Peoples and Cultures

The Hima People of Eastern Africa

Orville Boyd Jenkins

The Hima name is associated with various peoples and political entities in the Great Lakes are of Eastern Africa. In recent history the name Hima indicates a sub-group of the Tutsi, originally a Cushite group from the Ethiopian highlands, who entered the area perhaps in the 1300s.

There was a king of Rwanda (a Tutsi Kingdom) named Gahima (1500). [P. Ngologoza, Kigezi and its People, EA Literature Bureau, 1969.]*

Some writers think the name Hima is also associated with a Nilotic people who came down from the Sudan along the Nile through Uganda. They conquered the Bantu people in what is now southwest Uganda and the neighboring portion of Zaire.

They were absorbed by the Bantu people and took up the local Bantu language. Their name in the language is the primary identification of their origin.

One tribe (or social group) of people in Ankole, Uganda, are called Hima (Bahima). The Hima speech is classified in the Ethnologue as a dialect of Nyankore (Nkore/Nkole). The Ethnologue notes, however, that this speech form "may be a separate language."

The relationship of those speaking Hima and other varieties of Nyankore would likely be the same as with the dialects of the Cushite Tutsis and Bantu Hutus speaking Rundi/Rwanda.

There is no listing for the Hima in Tanzania. It appears the Hima are limited fairly much to their original settlement area.

Hima and Tutsi

The general view of the Tutsi is that they have come from a Cushite background in northeastern Africa. Some scholars have seen connections with Nilotes. Over the centuries the similarities in the situations of the Nilotic and Cushite upper class possibly led them to be more closely associated.

One Somali correspndent had some thoughts to contribute on this connection.

"I am Somali who has a limited knowledge about Hima people in central Africa. There is a Somali clan of Gaaljecel, whom others call Xima or Hima or Xiimaay Hima. This clan is very nomadic and traditional people. I bet the name is same origin [Abdir, Fort Mcmurray, AB Canada]."

In modern times, the Tutsi-Hima appear to be so closely associated that they can be considered one general class across the variety of speech in the various political divisions of the Lakes Region. Their Bantu speech forms are very similar.

President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda is a member of the Hima group of Uganda. He has even been the target of charges that he is part of a broad Tutsi-Hima plot to conquer the region. In current discussions of this matter, the Hima are commonly considered a sub–group of the Tutsi. In Uganda, a comparable tribe, or social group, to the Hutu are the Iru (Bairu).

Check this link for more on the Hima-Tutsi connection

Language References

I find no listing for a language or dialect of Hima or Kiga in Tanzania, but Holoholo is related, and stated in the Ethnologue to be also in Zaire, but interestingly enough, not in Rwanda or Uganda!

Nyankore and the speech of the Hima is related to Kiga (also spelled Kyiga, Chiga, pronounced Chiga), a language group of Southern Uganda related to Kinyarwanda. I note in the Ethnologue that one dialect of Rwanda is called Tshiga. This would be the same language group.

The degree of lexical similarity of Nyankore to Kiga is in the range of the Ethnologue’s classification for one language (normally 90-95%). I note in the listing for Kiga ("Chiga") (Uganda), however, that mutual intelligibility is shown as only 72%, which would be low.

Speech and Politics

Note that what are classified as "dialects" are often political designations. Thus speakers of the Tshiga dialect are most likely simply members of the same language/ethnic group called Kiga in Uganda who just were on the wrong side of the border when the Germans and English drew it!

This is a problem we must watch for all over Africa, even being aware that when we say, for instance, the "Zambia Tonga" and the "Zimbabwe Tonga," etc., that we are probably indicating political distinctions, not true people group distinctions.

One factor that complicates the matter, however, is that ethnicities change,a nd when two divisions of a people get separated by flood, war, empire boundaries, etc, they can in fact grow different and become different peoples. That is one way that ethnicities develop.


*Ngologoza was a Mukunga Chief from 1923 and rose to Chief Judge in Kigezi 1956 and Chairman of Appointments Board 1959.


Original comments written in an email exchange May 1996

Updated and posted 18 December 2004

Last edited 8 March 2012


[2] Hima, Ham and Cush ( Dr. Orville Boyd Jenkins ) [ http://orvillejenkins.com/peoples/himahamcush.html ]


What do you think of the Ham/Cush connection with the Hima lineage? I read what you wrote about the Bahiima. I am from the Bahiima clan.


I have not found anything relating Hima people to Ham or Cush. One difficulty in making connections is the mythical character of pre-history references and names, since they are unclear. The term Ham has no clear definition, and nothing to tie it to our historical knowledge or current oral traditions.

There has been lots of speculation about what it might have meant, though. Unfortunately, much of this speculation has been far-fetched and imaginative reflections on the scant references to the names in the book of Genesis, without awareness of current information on peoples or regions.

The term Cush is more firm, but the geographical boundaries are unclear, and ancient references are unclear. The ethnic and biological lineage information is even more vague.

The term Hamite, from the name Ham, was used in an earlier era for a grouping of language in northeastern and Sahel Africa, and sometimes still appears in some references as a language family name, though this is currently not common. More common comparative language systems do not use the term.

Cushite Languages

Because the land of Cush is an established name in history, the term Cushite is still used to designate a group of languages. There is a line of connection of the Tutsi and related peoples to the Cushite language group and ethnicities in Eastern Africa (Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Kenya).

What I have learned from specialists in the Lakes area ethnicities and histories that include the Hima indicates that the likely Hima origin is from a Nilotic stream north in Sudan. I mention in my article that the Hima groups and the Tutsi groups became associated as nobility and militarily superior over the Bantu peoples living in the region.

The two have become somewhat mixed, and identities have become less clear because all the peoples have come to speak Bantu language varieties. Thus you would find various origin histories in various families or clans and language groups of the Tutsi-Hima peoples.

It is not unusual for a tribe to have more than one myth of origin, indicating originally separate peoples that have become one for some reason. This is definitely the case with the Kikuyu, the largest tribe in East Africa (Central Kenya), whose history, mythology and oral traditions have been very well documented. I am not aware of a lot of detailed and definitive information on this aspect of Hima origins and identities.


First written in answer to an email enquiry to Thoughts and Resources 25 August 2005

Posted 28 August 2005

Last edited 29 June 2011


[3] Uganda: No Plot for Hima, Tutsi Empire - Museveni

By Okello Jabweli, 9 April 2002 [ http://business.highbeam.com/3548/article-1G1-84592965/no-plot-hima-tutsi-empire-museveni]

PRESIDENT Yoweri Museveni yesterday dismissed concerns of a conspiracy by some communities to create or revive a Hima/Tutsi empire in the region.

Opening a three-day regional symposium in Kampala, Museveni also dismissed talk of an inherent conflict between the Bahima and Bairu in Ankole and the Tutsi and Hutu in Rwanda and Burundi.

He said the empire talk is a product of several years of deliberate distortion and manipulation of the region's culture and history.

"Where there is a conflict, it is not in pursuit of social justice. Rather it is because of the distortion of colonialists trying to divide our people."

Museveni said he learnt of the alleged conspiracy sometime back when Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, the late former president of Tanzania, sent …


[4] Why has abolishing Rwanda/Uganda border suddenly become a priority?

Written by Eric Kashambuzi / Saturday, 04 August 2012 12:56

[ http://www.theugandacitizen.com/news/173-why-has-abolishing-rwandauganda-border-suddenly-become-a-priority.html ]

Nineteen sixty two (1962) changed the political landscape in Uganda, Rwanda and to a certain extent Burundi. A commoner from northern Uganda became executive prime minister in Uganda. A Muhutu became president in Rwanda. In Burundi Prince Louis Rwagasore, the eldest son of the king who had married a Muhutu woman and physically looked closer to Bahutu than to Batutsi won the pre-independence elections in September 1961 with strong support of Bahutu and became prime minister designate. Batutsi and Bahima who lost the election would not accept the outcome. Sadly, on October 13, 1961 Rwagasore was assassinated by a hired Greek gunman named Jean Kageorgis (Lemarchand 1994), setting off conflicts among Batutsi and Bahima, and Batutsi/Bahima and Bahutu.

In Rwanda the social revolution of 1959 caused Batutsi to flee in large numbers to Burundi, Congo (DRC), Tanzania and Uganda. In Ankole, Bahima/Bahororo who had dominated Bairu for centuries lost the election to Bairu their former servants. Batutsi refugees from Rwanda in Uganda and Bahima/Bahororo of Ankole pledged to restore their dominance over Bahutu and Bairu. In Ankole there was another problem that needs to be explained to put the discussion into perspective. Bahororo in Ankole demanded a separate district carved out of Ankole during negotiations for independence but failed because Bahima rejected the idea. Although scattered in Rwanda and Uganda, Bahororo harbored the dream to restore Mpororo kingdom and ultimately transform and expand it into a Tutsi empire encompassing Uganda (or parts thereof), Rwanda, Burundi and Congo (or parts thereof because Banyamulenge live South Kivu and Batutsi in North Kivu of eastern DRC). It is believed that Kagame is a Muhororo (subject to confirmation) as is Museveni, explaining in part why the restoration of Rwanda kingdom was rejected by Kagame (as was rejected in Ankole by Museveni another Muhororo) and is having trouble with some Batutsi in Rwanda who harbor the idea of restoring the king. On balance, Batutsi and Bahororo who are Nilotic cousins would prefer to patch up their differences than split and clear the way for Bahutu ascendancy to power once again.

Defeated Bahima and Bahororo in Ankole and Batutsi refugees studying at Ntare School formed an association under the leadership of Museveni to restore their dominance in Ankole and Rwanda respectively. Because they are numerically inferior in Uganda and Rwanda, they chose to recapture power through the barrel of the gun. That is why their training began training early in Tanzania and Mozambique and other places. Because Bahima refused a district to Bahororo in Ankole their relationship has since been lukewarm. Accordingly, the core leadership of FRONASA and later NRA came from Bahororo of Ankole and Rwanda. Bahororo and Bahima work together, first because they are Nilotic cousins and second because survival demands it. During Luwero Triangle war, the core leadership and commanders were Batutsi and/or Bahororo including from Rwanda (Rwigyema, Kagame, Kaka, Baingana, Bunyenyezi etc), not Bahima, causing people to suspect that the Rwanda mercenaries were Bahororo who fled Rwanda and rejoined their kith and kin Bahororo in Ankole and Kigezi. One-third of the Tutsi refugees and their cattle got absorbed into Ankole and Kigezi. We need to remember that Ntungamo and northern Kabale bordering on Ntungamo formed part of Mpororo kingdom, the other part of Mpororo kingdom being the present northern Rwanda. Therefore many people in Kabale district are Bahororo who pose as Bakiga and speak Lukiga language. Other Bahororo are concentrated in Ntungamo and Rujumbura (where they fled as refugees in 1800 when Bahima occupied their former Mpororo territory).

The subsequent unsustainable population pressure in Kigezi forced many of them to be resettled in parts of Ankole including Isingiro and northern Kigezi (Rujumbura and Kinkizi, now Kanungu). In fact the settlers in Rujumbura and Kinkizi renamed their new home "New Kigezi". People think these are Batutsi/Bahororo rather than Bairu Bakiga. On some new maps of Uganda the word Mpororo has been written from Eastern DRC in the west to Rwanda border in the east (encompassing Kanungu, Rukungiri and Ntungamo districts - see map on home page of www.kashambuzi.com), implying that it is the home of Batutsi/Bahororo waiting for the right moment to officially announce the new configuration. That is why some people think that Banyakigezi Association is a Bahororo association in disguise, not of Bakiga of Bantu origin (the leadership of Banyakigezi Association is welcome to clear the air).

As leader of Ntare School Association, Museveni bitterly criticized Obote (his fellow Nilotic) for not supporting the East African political federation in 1963. As indicated elsewhere, Obote was actually in favor of the federation but the Baganda in the cabinet strongly opposed the idea and Obote backed down in the tradition of majority opinion. The East African federation fitted well into Museven's dream of restoring Mpororo kingdom, expanding it into Tutsi Empire by identifying Nilotic people undetected in all the East African countries (Nilotic people are found in all areas of the Great Lakes region) and placing them in strategic political positions. He is likely to do the same should he become the first East African federation president witness his close relationship with Kenya's prime minister (another Nilotic) who might become the next president of Kenya.

Those who have followed Museveni closely will have realized that he has consistently spoken and written about the need for larger geographic entities in the form of regional economic integration and political federation. That is why he has spent disproportionate amount of time and Uganda resources on the Great Lakes region. Museveni has interfered in Burundi politics to boost Bahima and Batutsi there. He helped Kagame and RPF to oust Hutu government in Rwanda in 1994 and participated in Zaire and DRC wars to install Batutsi in power as part of his Tutsi-Hima Empire dream (J. F. Clark 2002). If Mugabe had not entered the second war in DRC in support of Kabila Sr., Museveni and Kagame would have got their Tutsi Empire (DRC, Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda). Here is what happened. "Zimbabwe President Mugabe, despite considerable criticism from his own cabinet as well as opposition figures, saw the danger of a Tutsi empire in the middle of Africa. He was indifferent to calls by South African President Mandela for a peaceful resolution of the dispute" (E. B. Evans et al., 2003). With Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia and others supporting Kabila; Museveni and Kagame were defeated.

When the military option (plan A) ran into difficulties (still on the table), Museveni embarked on plan B of incorporating Burundi and Rwanda into the East African community and adding a political federation component to the East African economic integration program and forced fast tracking of the federation ahead of integration so that he becomes the first federation president and realizes his Tutsi empire dream (he has launched campaign for another term after 2016 in order to remain president until the federation is formed and Museveni becomes the first president). However, in all these efforts Museveni has never (to the best of my knowledge) officially proposed abolishing national borders even when he announced in April 1997 his mission of creating a federation of countries in the Horn of Africa and Great Lakes region into one nation. The idea of abolishing colonial (national) boundaries has come from Rwanda. Soon after RPF formed a government in Rwanda, it began calling for the second Berlin conference to change colonial borders. Some Ugandans perhaps with roots in Rwanda justify Kagame's proposal on the grounds that Rwanda is too small and must adjust its colonial borders to sustain its population.

Progress on the East African political federation has been slower than Museveni had wanted, hence the implementation of plan C. It is to apply an incremental approach of restoring Mpororo kingdom first which means removing the border between Uganda and Rwanda: remember that Mpororo kingdom covered northern Rwanda and Ntungamo district and parts of Kabale bordering on Ntungamo. The second phase is to annex Eastern DRC, Kanungu and Rukungiri districts and join them to former Mpororo kingdom. (The involvement of Rwanda in Eastern DRC is not to destroy Bahutu rebels but to annex it to Rwanda and then to Mpororo kingdom). The third phase will be to bring Burundi into the expanded area. Thus to restore Mpororo kingdom the border between Uganda and Rwanda will have to go. To add Eastern DRC to Rwanda, the border between Rwanda and Eastern DRC will have to go. And to add Burundi to Rwanda, the border between Burundi and Rwanda will have to go in order to expand Mpororo kingdom into Tutsi-Hima Empire. The next phase is to add the rest of Ankole district, Rakai and Masaka districts where many Bahororo, Batutsi and Bahima live and are politically and economically powerful.

That is why Uganda (represented by Kabonero, Kutesa and Muhwezi according to reports) and Rwanda at their last meeting in Rwanda decided to propose removal of so-called colonial borders which are obstructing implementation of their Tutsi empire project. Let us clarify that for pure economic integration and political federation, you don't need to dismantle state borders. Countries with federal government systems have retained state boundaries. The excuse of dismantling national borders in the Great Lakes region to facilitate regional cooperation is a smoke screen for forming a Tutsi empire. It must not be allowed to take effect.

Announcement of "Voice of Kigezi" radio is very timely to mobilize support for dismantling boundaries in order to create regional cooperation - they won't mention Tutsi Empire directly of course. Although the radio is expected to broadcast in Rukiga, Kinyarwanda and English, you are likely to hear more Kinyarwanda than the other two languages because Kinyarwanda is the only common language spoken by Batutsi, Bahima, Banyamulenge and Bahororo. Perhaps a more fitting language is "Oruhororo" as Olive has appropriately asked.

Dismantling national borders is a Bahororo project spearheaded by Kagame to restore their former Mpororo kingdom and expand it into Tutsi Empire. If we, Ugandans continue to choose leaders without knowledge of these complex issues and understand fully how Batutsi and Bahororo have penetrated Uganda's political and economic decision making processes and security forces we are likely to end up stateless. To save our country, the next leadership in Uganda must be selected carefully based on knowledge and experience of Great Lakes region, patriotism and selflessness, not on compromise or parochial considerations. Leaders chosen on the basis of compromise are generally weak.

Eric Kashambuzi

Secretary General & Chief Administrator, UDU


[5] Germain Katanga Completes Testimony before the ICC

by Jennifer Easterday /

This report covers testimony from October 10 – 21, 2011 in the International Criminal Court (ICC) trial of Germain Katanga and Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui.

[ http://www.katangatrial.org/2011/10/germain-katanga-completes-testimony-before-the-icc/ ]

The Hima-Tutsi are a subset of the Tutsi ethnic group. There is also an ethnic group called “Hima” from Uganda, said to be related to the Tutsis from Rwanda. Laurant Kabila accused Paul Kagame (then Vice President of Rwanda) and Yoweri Museveni (President of Uganda) of plotting to build a Hima-Tutsi Empire in Central Africa. Gerard Prunier, who testified as a Prosecution expert in the Lubanga trial, testified before that trial chamber that the Hema ethnic group from the DRC tried to associate themselves closely with the Hima/Tutsi groups to gain political advantage after the Rwandan genocide.


[6] Their Long-term strategy is the creation of a Hima empire in the heart of continent. (Rene Lemarchand, The Dynamics of violence in Central Africa -, University of Pennsylvania press, 2009)

[http://www. burundi-agnews.org/images/the_dynamics_of_violence_in_central_africa_rene_lemarchand.jpg]


[7] The moment Mugabe told Museveni: 'Your intelligence is exaggerated'

By Andrew M. Mwenda Last updated: 11/12/2009 15:59:38

[ http://www.newzimbabwe.com/pages/powell13.11729.html ]

EVENT: it is a cold November winter of 1998 in Paris and President Jacques Chirac of France is host of a large conference of African statesmen. The presidents are assembled to discuss continuing armed conflict on the continent and the ever-increasing economic crisis of the countries in the region.

In attendance at the French president's residence, the Eiles (sic) Palace are presidents Chirac, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Laurent Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Pasteur Bizimungu of Rwanda and Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania. There is also Yama Jame to Gambia, Abdu Diof of Senegal, Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, Joachim Chisano of Mozambique, Sam Nujoma of Namibia and Frederick Chiluba of Zambia to mention only a few.

The conversation finally settles down of the DRC. Uganda and Rwanda which had helped Kabila have turned against their proxy and organised armed resistance against him after a failed coup. However, Kabila has called in Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia to help bolster his fledging government and it has worked. Kabila accuses Museveni and Kagame of Rwanda of a hidden plot to build a Hima-Tutsi empire.

"That Bizumungu you see over there," Kabila spits the words with disdain "he is a Hutu and just a figure head. Real power lies with Paul Kagame, his vice president. So there is no reason for Bizimungu to even sit in this meeting with other heads of state when he is only a personal assistant to Kagame."

Museveni interjects saying the meeting should discuss more serious issues. But nobody is real listening; and as matter of fact he has too many contrary minds all over the place, does Museveni.

Mugabe is pissed at this talk of 'more serious issues' and says the threat of a Hima-Tutsi empire is a real and serious issue; in tones that suggest he is convinced it is even the only issue that should be discussed here today. "I have always heard that you are a very intelligent and popular man," Mugabe tells Museveni right into his face, "I now think your intelligence is quite exaggerated."

And with that, the old man walks out of the meeting in protest, wagging his finger at Museveni and vowing to "fight to the death" against the "creation of a Hima-Tutsi empire." Jameh of Gambia also interjects, telling Museveni that he thought the Ugandan president was a new hope for Africa, "not an ethnic chauvinist bent on re-creating obsolete pre-historic empires". In the cacophony of voices, one voice is quiet. Chirac is completely taken apart by surprise at this remarkable outplay by Africa's leading statesmen.


[8] Gasarasi: The Question of the Recent Expulsion of Rwandans from Tanzania

Journal ofAfrican Conflicts and Peace Studies

[ http://burundi-agnews.org/images/The_Question_of_the_Recent_Expulsion_of_Rwandans_from_Tanzania.pdf ]

7. Politico-Ideological Lubricants of the Round -Ups and Expulsions of Rwandans The benign anti-Tutsi/anti-Rwandan sentiment that began in Tanzania in the 1970s smouldered slowly without any overt expression until the end of 1990 when the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launched its war of liberation against the Habyarimana regime . The war marked the beginning of a new politico- ideological offensive on the part of the Habyarimana regime through tM agency of his sponsored collaborators mainly in Tanzania and the DRC. In the mid-1980s, some (political genius) invented the "Hima Empire" pseudo- thesis and it spread like bush fire in the region and beyond. Political "gurus" in Tanzania espoused this nonsensical idea because it was being proselytised by some important figures in the political hierarchy.

In Tanzania, these political "gurus" tried to illustrate the veracity of their unfounded "Hima Empire" pseudo- thesis by falsifying the plight of Banyamulenge1 in the DRC as proof of a "Hima Empire" conspiracy. These political "gurus" told the people that Banyamulenge had withdrawn their allegiance from the state of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and transferred it to Rwanda, soon to be an important bastion of the "Hima /Tutsi Empire. In the midst of this propaganda, and insinuating that naturalized Rwandans, particularly the Tutsi, and Tanzanian nationals of Tutsi descent, have no real allegiance to the Republic, the propagandists coined the term "Bizima Karaha syndrome". This perception spread quickly down to the grassroots. Calling Rwandan immigrants and Tanzanian nationals of Tutsi origin Banyamulenge became fashionable overnight and it persists to date. The Hima/Tutsi Empire campaign reached its xenophobic proportions in 1994 when the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF) took over Kigali. The propaganda worsened when Rwanda took part in the DRC war and

succeeded. The "Hima Empire" pseudo- thesis seemed to be a reality, and Rwandans (particularly those profiled as Tutsi) began to be regarded as a real threat in the region . Hima Empire "experts" mushroomed everywhere, even down to the grassroots. They taught the population to:

1. Be careful because their land and their other rights may fall in the hands of Rwandans in the near future;

2. Be aware because Rwandans are power hungry people and that given the slightest opportunity they would rule them; and

3. Be aware and remain vigilant so that the properties gained by Rwandans on Tanzanian soil were not repatriated. Banyamulenge are Congolese nationals of ancient Rwandan descent whose native language is Kinyarwanda. They inhabit the Kivu region of the DRC and have frequently been persecuted by

successive regimes in the Congo, including being denied their citizenship rights. Since the 1990s, some

of them have Fought on the side of the Rwandese Patriotic Army/Rwanda Defence Forces in the conflict between Rwanda and the DRC. Because of the cultural and ancestral similarity between the Hima of Uganda and the Tutsi of Rwanda, "Hima Empire" is also taken to mean "Tutsi Empire."

1s Bizima Karaha is a Rwandophone Congolese from Kivu province. He was one the founders of AFDL which fought to oust Mobutu. In the early days of the movement, he became well known at home and abroad for frequently speaking on behalf of the movement.

For the Tanzanian politico-bureaucratic elite, which had been warning against imminent "Hima Empire·

encroachment, the take over of Kigali by the RPF was an opportunity to prove to the public that the empire building conspiracy was real and dangerous. The RPF was then falsely characterised as an exclusively Diaspora Tutsi movement.

At the height of its confusion, the "Hima Empire" pseudo-thesis inconsistently lumps together all Rwandans as a power hungry, empire seeking species; regardless of whether or not they are actually Tutsi/Hima.

This xenophobic politico-ideological construct dominated the political discourse at some point and became a tool for those who attempted to explain the root cause of conflict in the Great Lakes Region. For the self-proclaimed "political analysts" in Tanzania, the "Hima Empire" building dynamic was directly or indirectly associated with conflicts in the Region . In practical terms, the nascent xenophobia manifested itself in many subtle ways. For example, senior Tanzanian public servants profiled as Tutsi descendants were subjected to close scrutiny and were in some cases called in for special vetting.

Those among them who refuted the commonplace assertion that the seizure of power by the Rwandese Patriotic Front in 1994 was proof of the "Hima Empire" building project had their Tanzan ian nationalism questioned and were looked at with suspicion by the proponents of the pseudo-thesis.

Another manifestation was false labelling of political opponents as Hima/Tutsi. One extreme example was the bizarre labelling of Tanzania's first President, Julius Nyerere as a non-Tanzanian of Hima/Tutsi origin by Reverend Mti. ila, President of the opposition Democratic Party (DP). Such trends have had something to do with the round up operations and expulsions of Rwandans in Tanzania.

It would however be an oversimplification to attribute the xenophobic tendencies among some Tanzanians solely to belief in the "Hima Empire" pseudo-thesis. Indeed, there are other factors that fuelled the drive to expel Rwandans during the period 2000-2006.

Some laws and policies that have recently been passed in Tanzania inculcated among Tanzanians new ways of thinking about aliens, in general, in the course of responding to new needs and priorities. For example:

1. The Land Act, 1999, and the Village Land Act, 1999, both heightened people's consciousness and hunger for land . The newly perceived value of land and the enormous legal powers conferred to villages in terms of land control, planning, and disposition put "foreigners" in a vulnerable land tenure position .

2. The Agricultural and Livestock Policy, 1997, which emphasizes environmental conservation in rural areas and the National Wildlife Policy, 1998, were both bound to bring Rwandan pastoralists living in Tanzania and their grazing practices (including those in game reserves) under close scrutiny.

3. Other factors such as the economic malaise prevailing in Tanzania during the period under discussion (e.g., rising costs of living, food shortages, droughts, a crisis in the labor market, etc.) may have fuelled intolerance of Rwandans perceived as illegal aliens. It is commonly acknowledged that "periods of economic hardship tend to coincide with a marked increase in xenophobic attitudes and even extreme measures such as

violence and expulsion."


[9] Hima clan And Tutsi Master Plan Conspiracy (underground document)

Last updated : 12 Dec 2007, Kampala

[ http://www.ababaka.com/cms/index.php?option=com_kunena&func=view&catid=16&id=6729&Itemid=45&lang=en ]

Editors comment: Dear Ugandans, this document has been sent to us like 100 times over the past two years. A person who comes from the west will see that it contains many factual errors, but we have ignored it all these years. Publishing it does not mean now we endorse it. Rather, our intention is to take it out of the under-ground circulation and expose it to the critical eye of everybody. A wide discussion may help believers look at things more objectively (and hopefully stop the person bombarding our email box with it). Your comments are most welcome.



1. Mr.Y.K. Museveni Nyabushozi

2. Mrs. J. Museveni Nyabushozi

3. Mr. Elly Rwakakoko Ruhama, Ntungano

4. Mr. Eric Kabango Rukungiri

5. Akwandanaho Salim Saleh Nyabushozi

6. Mr. Sam Kutesa Nyabushozi

7. Mr. Abel Katemowe Rukungiri

8. Canon Rwabugaire Buyania, Rukungiri

9. Mrs. Rwabugaire Buyanja, Rukungiri

10. John Wycliff Karigire Ntungamo

11. Mrs. Karazarwe Ntungamo

12. Mrs. Rwakakoko Ruhama, Ntungamo

13. Bob Kabonero Ntungamo

14. Mr. Jim Muhwezi Rukungiri

15. Mrs. Susan Muhwezi Rukungiri

16. Mr. Jotham Tumwesigye Nyabushozi, Mbarara

17. Mr. John Nasasira Kazo

18. Mzee Nyindombi Kebisoni

19. Mrs. Faith Bitamurire Kebisoni

20. Mugisha Muhwezi Nyindobi Kebisoni

21. Mrs. Jane Mwesigye Sembabule

22. Mrs. Mwesigye Sembalue

23. Mr. Kamugisha Kebisoni

24. Mrs. Kamugisha Kebisoni

25. Mr. John Kazoora Ntungamo

26. Mr. Christopher Kiyombo Ntungamo

27. Major Henry Tumukunde Buyanja Kitojo

28. Mrs. Tumukunde Buyanja Kitojo

29. Mzee Rwakanengere Kashari Rubaya

30. Jolly Rwakanengere Kampala, Rubaya

31. Mrs Salim Saleh Nyabushozi

32. Rev. Kajangye Buyanja, Kitojo

33. Aronda Nyakeirima Buyanja, Kitojo

34. Mzee Mpira Nuyanja Nyakibungo

35. Charles Muhhozi Kifaburaza Kagunga

36. Justus Katono Karishunga Buyanja

37. Elly Karuhanga Nyabushozi, Mbarara

38. Mzee Kafumusi Ibanda

39. Sikora B.K. Buhweju, Buyaruguru

40. P. Kaitirima Sembabule

41. Mathew Rukikakire Sembabule

42. Mrs. Rukikare Kabura, Rukungiri

43. Sam Baingana Rukungiri

44. Mrs Baingana Rukungiri

45. Mzee Amos Nzei Kabale

46. Mrs. Nzei Kabale

47. Mzee Rutamwebwa Nyabushozi

48. Mrs. Mary Rutamwebwa Nyabushozi

49. Rev. Canon Sam Rubunda Nyabushozi

50. Mrs. Jennifer Kutesa Sembabule/Ntungamo

51. Eriya Kategaya Rwampara

52. Jovia Kankunda Mbarara

53. Mzee Rwakiturate Nyabushozi

54. Rwabantu Rusheyi Ntungamo

55. Col. Chefali Kazo

56. Col. Kazini J. Nyabushozi

57. Major Kashaka Nyabushozi

58. Jero Bwende Nyabushozi

59. Augustine Ruzindana Rubaya, Ntungamo

60. Ephraim Rusimirwa Nyakabuye

61. Mzee Kaino Nyakininga

62. Rev. Rujoki Nshwerunkuye

63. Mrs. J. Rujoki Nshwerunkuye

64. Prince John Barigye Kashari

65. Kanyesigye Barigye Junior Kashari

66. Kirimani Nyabushozi

67. Fred Kanyabubale Kitojo Buyanja

68. Kakurungu Kitojo

69. Captain Biraro Nyabushozi

70. Mrs. Nasasira Kazo

71. Herbert Rwabwende Kashari

72. Odrek Rwabwogo Nyabushozi

73. Hope Kivegere President's Office

74. Bishop Justus Ruhindi Rukugiri

75. Justin Sabiiti Mbarara

76. Maama Rubindi North Kigezi Diocese


1. Prayers

2. Opening Remarks by H.E. (Chairman)

3. Strategy for the next 50 years

4. Plan of Action

Minute 1.00:

The meeting started with a prayer led by Rt. Rev. Bishop Ruhindi at exactly 11.00p.m. who prayed for good deliberations.

Minute 2:00

The Chairman, H.E. welcomed the Basita Clan and other clans present in his home. He briefed members present the purpose of the meeting and thanked organizers for a good job done.

He told members that the only opportunity they have is this one when he is still President. He directed Hope Kivengyere to act as a link between his office and these people at grass roots.

He told them that they were few in number and that he fought to liberate them so that they could be heard in society and Uganda at large.

He reminded them of the need to have a master plan for at least fifty years if the Hima clan is to remain vibrant and rich.

H.E. told his listeners that if they cannot use the opportunity maximally, their daughters and sons would blame them in future.

At this function he revealed to them a scheme and plan of action in order for them to achieve their desired goals as:

To have the highest education qualifications during his term of office for their children.

To make sure they are the richest people in Uganda with the 50 years master plan.

To make sure they control the army and have the highest ranks in the army.

To ensure that they take charge of all the resources in the country

To ensure none of those not concerned, not to know about the action plan.

Every one of them was directed to recruit the Bahima boys to join the army so that they could dominate the ISO, PPU, ESO and Military Police as this would assist in the resisting of other tribes that would attempt to take power by the use of force.

Minute 3.00:

The chairman informed the members to unite so that they could remain the only kings in the region. He said that the master plan couldn't be achieved unless 80% of their youths are properly trained and equipped with the best necessities to maintain these issues.

At this juncture the chairman directed Mr. Elly Karuhanga to take charge of educating the sons and daughters and send them abroad in countries such as India, England, America and South Africa. Karuhanga accepted the responsibility without hesitation. The chairman also directed Mr. Kirimani to take charge of educating the daughters and sons internally, especially to ensure that he put up special school in Nyabushozi to cater for the interests of the group,

On this note Mr. Kutesa suggested to upgrade Bunyanyeru Resettlement School from Nursery upto Secondary, which was passed with no arguments.

Minute 4:00

Mr. Elly Rwakakoko interjected the chairman's speech by giving directions to members on the real discussion by introducing a new chapter of how H.E. could be succeeded after his term of office.

On this point Mrs. Jovia Salim Saleh begged the members to ensure that after H.E. the next president must come from the Basita clan. She said that she had done a lot for the Basita and taken a lot of risks for the last 20 years and therefore it was important that the Basita take charge of the resources of the country. The members resolved that she was not in order.

Minute 5.00:

Mzee Ephrann Rusimira suggested that the new president should be the brother to the president if the master plan is to succeed. He warned that if the Bairu and non Bahima clans got to know about the action plan, it would fail to take off.

Minute 6.00:

Mzee Rutamwebwa suggested that Salim Saleh should go back to school if the objectives of the action are to be achieved. He suggested that Salim Saleh had to get "0" Level Certificate and "A"Level Certificate. This was unanimously agreed to.

He also suggested that someone close, possibly the son of H.E. should be groomed to take over the reigns from Salim Saleh. This too was agreed on and the group begged H.E. to look around for a boy who would be groomed.The group also brainstormed about how to destroy those who would gang up to take power from the clan. Death was suggested for the potential leaders who would attempt to fail the master plan.

Mmute 7.00: The way Forward:

a) Deny other people access to economic resources through:

i. Overtaxing individuals and companies, which don't belong to our people and protect those of our people.

ii. Destroying co-operative societies and unions.

iii. Selling Parastatals and public enterprises that others don't gain from them.

iv. Commercialize education and health services.

b) Our people to be employed in lucrative public offices from which they should reap maximally while being protected from prosecution.

c) Destruction of the economic, military and political will of Northern and Eastern Uganda.

d) Immediate return of non-political Kabaka of Buganda while we promote disunity among the Buganda.

e) Uniting all Bahima in the Great Lakes Region and awakening their political, military and economic process.

f) Participating in the exploitation of economic resources of rich neighboring states.

g) Making strategic alliances with whatever power in the world that will enhance achievement of this plan.

Minute 8.00:

Members recommended that all those given responsibility must ensure the achievement of the objectives. H.E. was mandated to appoint committees or individuals to implement the different aspects of the master plan. Confidentiality must be ensured at all costs.

The meeting closed at 4.00a.m. on 16-03-1992.


Reader's comment:






JUDAÏSATION DES TUTSI: Stratégie pour conquérir l’Afrique (par Eric KENNES,CEDAF)

[ http://murengerantwari.unblog.fr/2009/09/05/judaisation-des-tutsi-strategie-pour-conquerir-lafrique-par-eric-kennescedaf/ ]

Selon un document confidentiel parvenu à Grands Lacs confidentiel (GLAC), les ambitions d’un empire Hima sont plus réels que nos lecteurs ne peuvent se l’imaginer. La région des Grands lacs est désormais désignée sous une nouvelle appellation : « HAVILA »,

« La terre sacrée de HAVILA » ou « la mémoire perdue des douze codes hébraïques des peuples kushites de l’Abyssinie méridionale (Rwanda, Burundi, Buha, Ankole, Buhavu, etc.)

Géographiquement, partant de cette dernière citation, la terre sacrée de Havila se dessine comme suit :

- Rwanda : l’actuel Rwanda, pays des mille collines avec comme capitale Kigali ;

- Burundi : capitale Bujumbura ;

- Buha : du nom baha ou muha (au singulier), peuple de la Tanzanie occidentale. Par extension, Buha désigne la Tanzanie ;

- Ankole : région de l’Ouganda occidentale habité majoritairement par les Banyankole tribu à laquelle le président Museveni s’identifie par truchement.

- Buhavu : région habitée par les Buhavu c’est-à-dire l’actuelle région du Kivu de la R.D.C. Le nom du chef lieu du sud Kivu (Bukavu) serait une déformation du nom Buhavu !!!

L’Empire des « Tutsis hébreux », « la terre sacrée de Havila » (la région des Grands Lacs africains) englobera donc les pays suivants : Rwanda, Burundi,Buha (Tanzanie), Ankole (Ouganda), Buhavu c’est-à-dire Bukavu au Kivu, province orientale du Congo, etc.


[11] Bahima-Bairu theory is short on evidence

Guest Writers / Sunday, 11 April 2010 21:36

Written by Phionah Kesaasi

Eric Kashambuzi’s opinion piece titled; “Why Bahima men will not marry Bairu women” that ran in The Observer of April 1-4, 2010 should not pass without challenge. How relevant was the topic other than a mere strand from a remark President Museveni made on intermarriages?

But we can still allow Kashambuzi have his day; this gives us the opportunity to square him up. The thing is, Eric Kashambuzi’s revolting estimations cannot survive the rigours of intellectual inquiry. First of all, the myth of a Hima-Tutsi Empire across the Great Lakes Region was crafted and given currency by the Kabila (senior) regime aimed at unsettling the Rwanda and Uganda leadership for their folly of supporting rebels fighting the Kinshasa regime.

This myth was distressed when the Ugandan and Rwandan armies fought three times in Kisangani.

The political opposition in Uganda and Rwanda tried to hang onto it but realised its anemic value early enough; they dropped it as a political issue.

Indeed, anyone with a passing interest in Uganda’s politics will tell you that the opposition’s battleground is now on issues related to governance, poverty, and service delivery. The few voices harping on ethnic issues can only be dismissed as fringe.

Honestly, is there any solid evidence to support the (wild) allegations that Bahima and Tustsi ethnic communities deliberately marry off their daughters to their Bairu counterparts with a purposeful agenda of subjugating them (Bairu)?

The only evidence is circumstantial, actually a case of the result of social anthropological phenomenon, that lacks solid ground on which Kashambuzi makes absolute positions, to wit: ‘there is not a single Muhororo man who has married a Mwiru woman.’

Kashambuzi’s claim of nativity in Rujumbura is not enough ground for such an absolute statement. He might need to know that absolutes live in science laboratories not in social spheres like the subject at hand. I know of at least one cabinet minister, a Muhororo at that, who is married to a Mwiru.

Kashambuzi portrays serious ignorance of facts when he dumps all the Bahororo in the same category with Tutsi or Bahima. That is far from the truth; Bahororo, the occupants of the former Mpororo Kingdom (present-day Ntungamo, Kanungu and Rukungiri districts), are both cultivators and pastoralists. If he pleases, he may ask a certain Dr. Kizza Besigye.

My information is that the social harmony in Mpororo (between pastoralists and cultivators) is up to this day a joke among some conservative Bahima in Ankole: they still refer to Mpororo pastoralists as Bairu because they are humble and mix well with cultivators. That’s why Bishop Festo Kivengere and the late Makobore were accepted throughout the Kigezi sub-region.

For instance, there is a Makobore House at Kigezi College Butobere, not to mention Makobore High School, Kinyasano in Rujumbura. Kashambuzi further alleges that once Bairu men are married to Bahima/Tutsi girls, they (the Bairu men) are made to forget their kinsmen and can never give them a helping hand, rendering them deserted.

And that in so doing, they instead enrich their Bahima/Tutsi in-laws and advance them economically.

Now, that is a social phenomenon that cuts across all groups. Men tend to have a soft spot for their in-laws more than their relatives; and this is not limited or unique to Bahima, Bahororo or Tutsis.

We cannot ignore the fact that marriage comes as a result of two consenting adults who will first fall in love before they move a step ahead to become man and wife. By alleging that the Bahima/Tutsi have an agenda to dominate the Hutu/Bairu in the Great Lakes Region through marriage is, to say the least, quite preposterous.

I would like to be brutally honest. As a young lady, I am aware that the biggest pride and ego of men (young and old) is to have a beautiful wife or female companion. Young men the world over like to be associated with good-looking ladies. And the general consensus is that the Bahima, Tutsi are good-looking. Whoever marries them could do so out of basic physical attraction; period!

Kashambuzi is ‘magnifying’ a very short period in history. The history of Bairu-Bahima is devoid of tales of war and conquest. Their survival is said to have been based upon diplomacy, friendship, industry and on the levers of production and distribution.

I still wonder why a highly educated man like Kashambuzi, would reduce the socio-cultural dynamics of 30 million people to a single issue: intermarriages or the lack of it.

The author works at the Uganda Media Centre



[ http://www.associationarchive.com/?page=dossiers&ID_art=97 ]

( Par Lazare Ndayongeje, Dr Lazare Ndayongeje, Directeur de Programme, Politique & Géopolitique Burundaise,

Burundi Réalités International (BRI Inc.) Contact :Politique@Burundirealite.org

Pour le Burundi par exemple, l’amalgame hamitique a fait que la dynastie des Baganwas, traditionnellement de souche hutue soit reclassée tutsie et d’origine étrangère pour la simple raison qu’elle avait du bétail et des pouvoirs. Les Bahimas furent rebaptisés Batutsis alors que c’étaient des Bahimas c’est-à-dire descendants de Muhima et non de Mututsi. Des Hutus riches et qui avaient du bétail, voyant que les colons appelaient Tutsis les riches, les puissants et les nobles, revendiquèrent et acquirent le titre de Tutsi. Le paradoxe aujourd’hui est que les Bahimas qui depuis 1966 se disent les porte-flambeau de la noblesse tutsie du Burundi ne sont même pas des Batutsis au sens authentique du terme et qu’avant la colonisation ils étaient plutôt un clan méprisé , à part quelques lignages. Le mot Tutsi , au départ synonyme de descendant de Mututsi est venu signifier pasteur, riche, noble, Blanc dans une peau noire. Et, suite aux manipulations coloniales le mot Hutu a été assimilé à tort à serviteur, esclave alors que les termes umusuku, umuja exprimaient adéquatement ces statuts. Cette oeuvre de faussaire a fini par fragmenter, pétrifier et polariser la société.